Originally published: Miguel Quesada, Círculo Hispalense.
The crisis of the modern world, with its facets of acceleration, reaction and decadence, is presented as an undeniable fact with each passing day. The exhaustion of structures born in the midst of subjectivist immanence seems to obey the aforementioned tendencies, without leaving the inherent framework of modernity itself. The Hispanic world is no exception.
The disintegrating structures of modernity, in its phase of acceleration and decadence, give way to new realities, which, if they oppose the contemporary ones, develop their own false principles. Thus, phenomena such as globalism or separatism reinforce “political” voluntarism on various scales, or ideologies such as hypersexualism develop the Lockean liberal premises of ownership of the body. In this context, there are many who seek to react, who aspire to put an end to the present situation.
The problems of “anti-modernity” become apparent when it proposes solutions that, by being merely reactive, end up – as Frederick D. Wilhelmsen would say – defining themselves as a negative, thus failing to define themselves. They merely react against such phenomena, but their lack of definition is quickly overtaken by ideologies that focus on points that lack a foundation. Thus there are those who cry out against abortion and then liberals respond with the premise of privacy; there are those who protest against secularization and then buy into the flawed Europeanizing product of the “West”; there are those who aspire to anti-progressivism and then fall into the webs of the right wing created by the left itself, as Madiran claimed, among other examples.
Reality, as opposed to ideological fragmentation, is sapiential, organic, and complex. A good part of the problems originate in the assumption of the same principles that put an end to classical and Christian civilization. But piety, a particular virtue of justice, does not pursue chimeras alien to its practice. St. Pius X, referring to the duty of Catholics to restore the Catholic City, reminded us that it is neither something imaginary nor to be invented, but that it once existed and must be restored. In the Hispanic world, the restoration of the Catholic Monarchy finds a difficult opponent since its enemies are those who gave birth to the evils we are fighting today.
The Catholic Monarchy was often remembered by Francisco Elías de Tejada as federative and missionary. I would like to focus on these characteristics.
The federative dimension refers to its capacity to federate, not in the modern sense – indebted to statist logic – but in the classical sense. The latter is based on the harmony between unity and plurality, in the complexity of reality, integrated by diverse ends, the harmonization of which constitutes the natural order. The federative dimension is largely due to its personal character. The person of the king makes it possible to define the duties of his subjects, to establish a bond of responsibility, free from bureaucratization and ideological abstractions.
The new Hispanic nations, obliged to the State in its American version, and justification of the latter in the peninsular field, have demonstrated their falsehood by integrating the Hispanic peoples into the European world, into bureaucracy, rationalization, technification, secularization, progress, etc. Such nations present themselves as redeemers of men and they justify their massacres, they promise security and subjugate with their statist bureaucracies, they proclaim great futures and forget their past.
Hispanic monarchy, when federative, continues to be, in my opinion, a source of hope in such a situation. Its capacity to harmonize its own legitimate rights with other rights, with a concept of community that is not merely associative, with an organic concept of society typical of classical thought, is not a rhetorical resource, but a reality that once existed and can motivate the restoration to which we are called.
The Hispanic monarchy, whilst missionary, represents the proper conception of the two swords, the divine origin of power and not the Protestant confessionality of the State; sacral authority and not the rationale of the State (confessional or not).
In this way, the Catholic City, in its natural and supernatural dimension, that is, both city and Catholic, finds, as we have said, a difficult adversary in the realization of the Catholic monarchy, since it agglutinates in itself the classical heritage of the proper foundation of the social and political order, as well as the fundamental tenets of Catholic politics.
The monarchy has many enemies. But the ideological matrix of all of them condemns them or will condemn them to failure, because in the face of the reality of things, the designs of men are presented, in the face of the personal power of kings, the artifices of the State emerge, in the face of the cultural and existential nation, the sovereign political Nation emerges, in the face of Catholic unity, state confessionalism emerges; in short, in the face of reality, natural and supernatural, the subjectivity of man arises, expressed in particular projects and systems of justification, the origin of all utopias.
Miguel Quesada/Círculo Hispalense